Why Do Countries Become/Remain Democracies? Or Don’t? (6)

Democracy is a human right. If we want to promote universal respect for this right, we have to know how societies have achieved the transition from authoritarian forms of government to more democratic ones, and how democracies have avoided the opposite transition. Once we know this, we can promote the future emergence of democracies, and we can counteract the breakdown of existing ones.

Unfortunately, this is a very murky area of political science. The only thing that’s clear is that there is no silver bullet. There isn’t one thing we can do to transform societies once and for all into democracies. Things aren’t easy or simple. A huge number of factors have been identified as causes of or obstacles to democratic transitions, and existing democracies need constant nurturing and protection. A few of the factors that have been named as either promoting or inhibiting democracy are:

  • economic growth or GDP per capita
  • protestant culture versus catholic culture (a catholic culture is believed to be more hierarchical)
  • levels of education and literacy
  • income or wealth inequality (in very unequal societies, the wealthy have a lot to lose with democracy)
  • levels of employment in agriculture versus industry (industrial societies are believed to more more urban and less attached to traditional and authoritarian social relationships)
  • the presence/absence of neighboring democracies
  • export diversity (countries with one major export product such as oil tend to be “resource cursed”)
  • is a country a former U.K. colony or not? (former U.K. colonies are believed to be more sympathetic to democracy given their British colonial heritage)
  • is there a large middle class or not?
  • etc.

Statistical analysis to pinpoint which ones of these many variables really determine democracy – and which ones are merely guesses – has yielded contradictory results, not surprisingly given the low numbers of observations (societies or countries don’t change their political systems very often) and the relative lack of long time series (most classifications of regime types haven’t started earlier than a couple of decades ago). One interesting analysis is here.

So don’t expect me to have an opinion here. What I wanted to focus on in this post is the first in the list. There are two radically opposing views on the effect of economic development on democracy. One view is called modernization theory. Basically, the idea is that as countries develop economically, people will switch to other, higher needs, such as self-government, self-control, and political activity in general. Poverty, on the contrary, forces people to focus on survival and makes democracy seem like a luxury.

However, the opposite view is also persuasive. Countries that do well economically are less likely to become democratic because the population is quite pleased with how things are going and will not revolt. The authoritarian rulers can claim that it’s thanks to them that things are going well. It’s not unlikely that economic collapse rather than success causes authoritarian regimes to break down.

So even if you isolate one of dozens of possible factors causing regime transition, things aren’t very clear. Should we starve dictatorships, or help them develop economically? As a result of this lack of clarity, it’s very difficult to frame foreign policy in such a way that it favors the development of democracies around the world. This may go some way to explain the traditional lack of ambition in diplomatic circles.


2 thoughts on “Why Do Countries Become/Remain Democracies? Or Don’t? (6)

  1. There is immense scholarly literature on this topic, particularly as it applies to Third World development.

    A very key question that arises is whether democracy brings about economic progress and stability, or if it’s stability and economic progress that bring about democracy. The likely answer is both–that there is a symbiotic relationship. (For a cursory overview, I suggest “The Challenge of Third World Development” by Howard Handelman.)

    But the arguments from modernization theorists are quite specious. The theory is very inward looking, and ignores external realities (as well as class struggles). The idea that developing countries can just mimic the West or copy the model the United States used is so completely without support. It only works on the latent assumption that the Third World is “backward,” whose values and institutions are not as favorable as those in the “modern world.” And it is only through the transformation of these values and institutions–through the adoption of “superior” Western beliefs–that a nation can development. This is what modernization theory is based on, though it is now nuanced and perhaps less stringent, particularly after realizing how poor the theory applied to places like Latin America and East Asia, where remarkable development existed but only under totalitarian and corrupt regimes that repressed the people and brought about social unrest.

    This is not to say, either, that development or Marxist theories alone are any better at giving an explanatory model. What has become perfectly clear to many modern political scientists is that reliance any one theory for development and democracy will lead you false conclusions.

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