Racism (30): What Should We Call Non-White People, and How Do Names Affect Us?

Obviously, “nigger” is out. Initially a neutral term – from the Latin “niger” which means black – it was often used without racist connotation during much of the 19th century, but it became increasingly pejorative and derogatory. Even though it’s still used today by some, shall we say “African Americans”, to describe each other, often even endearingly, it’s done with.

“Negro” also means “black”, notably in Spanish and Portuguese. This term took over from “nigger” and then also from “colored” as the more polite appellation (“colored” was common usage during a few decades at the beginning of the 19th century).

“Negro” was long considered to be the proper English-language term for people of sub-Saharan African origin. This lasted until the late 1960s. Martin Luther King could still call himself a Negro. However, the term was already criticized in the 1950s en 1960s, notably by Malcolm X who successfully tried to redeem the word “black” which was seen as offensive during much of the first half of the 20th century. And indeed, “black was beautiful” during the “black power” era in the 1970s.

“African American” then took over from “black” which went from repudiated to acceptable to repudiated again. (Initially, the term was “Afro-American” derived from “Anglo-American”). “African American” has been the standard term since the 1980s, and it still is today.  “Negro” is now considered to be acceptable only in a historical context, and you should avoid talking about “black people”. African American – a term which for the first time doesn’t reference skin color – was initially hyphenated: “African-American”, like “Irish-American” or “Cuban-American”. This has become problematic very recently in reaction to the belittling phrase “hyphenated Americans“. Hence the recent omission of the hyphen.

Many will see this movement of the language of race as political correctness “gone wild”, but language does evolve and words carry meaning and historical references. Meanings and historical references can influence ideas and behavior. People who insist on using the word “nigger” are likely to have certain very specific ideas about those whom they call “nigger”. And these ideas can circulate when the word circulates. Even those who are tempted to see PC at work here will surely agree that “nigger” is an unacceptable and damaging use of language. But if “nigger” is, then why not also certain other words?

“Negro” was quite often used during the Civil War era and during the Civil Rights struggle, understandably, and was the standard expression in the period between. “Blacks” took over in the 70s, and “African American” in the 90s. “Nigger” has always been taboo in published works.

More posts in this series are here.

Measuring Human Rights (24): Measuring Racism, Ctd.

Measuring racism is a problem, as I’ve argued before. Asking people if they’re racist won’t work because they don’t answer this question correctly, and understandably so. This is due to the social desirability bias. Surveys may minimize this bias if they approach the subject indirectly. For example, rather than simply asking people if they are racist or if they believe blacks are inferior, surveys could ask some of the following questions:

  • Do you believe God has created the races separately?
  • What do you believe are the reasons for higher incarceration rates/lower IQ scores/… among blacks?
  • Etc.

Still, no guarantee that bias won’t falsify the results. Maybe it’s better to dump the survey method altogether and go for something even more indirect. For example, you can measure

  • racism in employment decisions, such as numbers of callbacks received by applicants with black sounding names
  • racism in criminal justice, for example the degree to which black federal lower-court judges are overturned more often than cases authored by similar white judges, or differences in crime rates by race of the perpetrator, or jury behavior
  • racial profiling
  • residential racial segregation
  • racist consumer behavior, e.g. reluctance to buy something from a black seller
  • the numbers of interracial marriages
  • the numbers and membership of hate groups
  • the number of hate crimes
  • etc.

A disadvantage of many of these indirect measurements is that they don’t necessarily reflect the beliefs of the whole population. You can’t just extrapolate the rates you find in these measurements. It’s not because some judges and police officers are racist that the same rate of the total population is racist. Not all people who live in predominantly white neighborhoods do so because they don’t want to live in mixed neighborhoods. Different crime rates by race can be an indicator of racist law enforcement, but can also hide other causes, such as different poverty rates by race (which can themselves be indicators of racism). Higher numbers of hate crimes or hate groups may represent a radicalization of an increasingly small minority. And so on.

Another alternative measurement system is the Implicit Association Test. This is a psychological test that measures implicit attitudes and beliefs that people are either unwilling or unable to report.

Because the IAT requires that users make a series of rapid judgments, researchers believe that IAT scores may reflect attitudes which people are unwilling to reveal publicly. (source)

Participants in an IAT are asked to rapidly decide which words are associated. For example, is “female” or “male” associated with “family” and “career” respectively? This way, you can measure the strength of association between mental constructs such as “female” or “male” on the one hand and attributes such as “family” or “career” on the other. And this allows you to detect prejudice. The same is true for racism. You can read here or here how an IAT is usually performed.

Yet another measurement system uses evidence from Google search data, such as in this example. The advantage of this system is that it avoids the social desirability bias, since Google searches are done alone and online and without prior knowledge of the fact that the search results will be used to measure racism. Hence, people searching on Google are more likely to express social taboos. In this respect, the measurement system is similar to the IAT. Another advantage of the Google method, compared to traditional surveys, is that the Google sample is very large and more or less evenly distributed across all areas of a country. This allows for some fine grained geographical breakdown of racial animus.

More specifically, the purpose of the Google method is to analyze trends in searches that include words like “nigger” or “niggers” (not “nigga” because that’s slang in some Black communities, and not necessarily a disparaging term). In order to avoid searches for the term “nigger” by people who may not be racially motivated – such as researchers (Google can’t tell the difference) – you could refine the method and analyze only searches for phrases like “why are niggers lazy”, “Obama+nigger”, “niggers/blacks+apes” etc. If you find that those searches are more common in some locations than others, or that they become more common in some locations, then you can try to correlate those findings with other, existing indicators of racism such as those cited above, or with historic indicators such as prevalence of slavery or lynchings.

More posts in this series are here.